2063Now

10 wishes for Africa in 2026 – Part 1 (1/2)

Reflection workshop with young African leaders, men and women in equal numbers, in full discussion around a table, dynamic and collaborative atmosphere, realistic photographic style.

2063Now | January 2026

As 2025 draws to a close, a year marked by profound geopolitical upheaval, new economic hopes, and a strong cultural influence, 2063Now shares the ten wishes and ambitions we have for the continent in 2026.

This first installment of our series focuses on key issues related to energy, politics, technology, culture, and conflict.

  1. Energy: From connection to industrialization, the necessary shift in ambition

Energy was a key focus in 2025 with the launch of the World Bank and African Development Bank's "Mission 300" initiative, which aims to provide access to electricity to 300 million Africans by 2030 through the implementation of national roadmaps ("compacts") with the support of philanthropic organizations (Rockefeller Foundation, Sustainable Energy for All) and private investors [1].

This unique momentum on a major African issue must prompt African stakeholders (governments and private actors) to engage in deeper reflection that goes beyond the mere objectives of individual connectivity, and instead focuses on industrialization and the creation of value chains, with particular attention to transmission and distribution lines ("grids"), whose modernization and development are crucial to achieving genuine energy ambitions [2]. Any other approach would prevent African countries from transforming their resources locally and benefiting from the technological revolution, particularly in terms of energy [3]. grids), whose modernization and development are crucial to achieving real energy ambitions [2]. Any other approach would prevent African countries from transforming their resources locally, benefiting from the technological revolution, particularly artificial intelligence, and creating the jobs needed to enable African youth to fulfill their potential on the continent.

To achieve this, we would like to see more innovation in the approaches taken by governments and their multilateral partners, particularly through the creation of concessional credit facilities to enable the recapitalization of national electricity companies, or by allowing private investors to invest in transmission lines. In addition, particular emphasis must be placed on local currency financing mechanisms, which are better able to mobilize African household savings through pension funds and African financial institutions [3]. These institutions must rise to these challenges and act more quickly to deploy capital where it is needed, particularly institutional investors with long-term mandates (the Africa Finance Corporation estimates that total domestic capital on the continent exceeds $4 trillion [4]).

2. Politics: African democracy put to the test in 2026

The year 2026 will be a highly political one for African countries. With nearly 16 general elections (Benin in two stages, Cape Verde, Somalia, Uganda, Morocco, Sao Tome and Principe, South Sudan, Zambia), presidential elections (Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Gambia) or legislative elections (Algeria, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia) on the continent, Africans will be called to the polls to decide their destiny [5].

Democracy has never been so weak in Africa, echoing the temptations toward authoritarian regimes observed around the world. While there are reasons for hope, such as the political transition through the ballot box in Botswana (October 2024) [6], the sad spectacle offered by Tanzania and Cameroon, whose governments violently repressed protests against the results of the 2025 presidential elections, demonstrates the inability of some leaders to respect the choices of their people and the brutalization of politics in Africa. The inability of those in power to listen to and deal peacefully with protests sows the seeds of anger, division, and chaos.

To prevent the implosion of African states, we hope that 2026 will mark a return to stability and a peaceful framework of national unity around these political and democratic events. It also seems necessary to reflect on the forms that representative democracy can take in the specific context of each country in order to better reflect cultural and religious disparities in state governance. In addition, particular attention must be paid to understanding the aspirations of African youth, who have valiantly expressed their demands for more rights and better access to economic opportunities through the mobilization of Generation Z and other protest movements (Madagascar, Kenya, Morocco, Cameroon) [7]. Solutions such as the implementation of national assemblies, youth parliaments, and " shadow governments " can contribute to greater dialogue and better understanding between political elites and young people.

3. Technologies: Positioning Africa as a major player in the global AI revolution

In just a few years, artificial intelligence (AI) has established itself worldwide as the new technological and industrial frontier, capable of revolutionizing all human activities.

As the continent cannot afford to miss out on this revolution, public and private stakeholders have taken up the challenge to develop the public policies, digital infrastructure, applications, and training programs needed to create a digital ecosystem that supports innovation and value creation.

In a global context marked by technological and geopolitical competition around AI issues between the United States, China, and the European Union, African countries are demonstrating diplomatic agility by leveraging multiple partnerships (bilateral, with private groups that have arrived in Africa such as Ericsson, Siemens, Alcatel, Huawei, ZTE, etc., or philanthropic foundations) between these three main players [8], while considering opportunities for pooling and cooperation at the continental level [9]. etc., or philanthropic foundations) between these three main players [8], while considering opportunities for pooling resources and cooperation at the continental level [9].

The Global AI Summit on Africa was held in April 2025 in Kigali, bringing together numerous heads of state and industry players with the stated ambition of making the continent a world leader in the adoption of ethical, reliable, and inclusive AI, thereby boosting innovation and competitiveness in African economies and improving the well-being of their populations [10].

We hope that 2026 will be an opportunity to implement the elements of the African Declaration on Artificial Intelligence, ratified by the participating States, in particular the structuring of the African Digital Infrastructure Fund [11]. With a target endowment of $60 billion, the fund will aim to invest in "the development and expansion of AI infrastructure, the development of African AI companies, the creation of a strong pool of AI practitioners, and the strengthening of national AI research capacities, while respecting the principles of equity and inclusion." Without massive investment in digital infrastructure (the 54 African countries currently have fewer data centers than France, 211 [12] compared to 348), Africans will not be able to develop true digital sovereignty, enabling them to protect their data and monetize it across multiple fields of application.

4. Culture : Continue to promote historical and cultural heritage, and restitution processes.

The promotion of Africa's historical and cultural heritage is essential to enable Africa's diverse populations to fully embrace their socio-cultural realities, to foster the memory work that is essential for regions whose statehood was built on violence, and to enable African states to construct their national narratives for themselves and for the rest of the world, in a context where global competition between narratives has rarely been so fierce.

While this issue has been a central concern since independence, in recent years some countries have used culture as a lever for economic growth, opening up to the rest of the world and strengthening national unity, particularly through structured remembrance work and the repatriation of looted heritage [13].

The inauguration of the Grand Egyptian Museum (GEM), located near the Great Pyramid of Cheops in Giza in November 2025, is in keeping with Egyptian archaeological tradition and the Egyptian government's political desire to reconnect with the grandeur of the Pharaonic era [14]. A museum country par excellence, Egypt has invested heavily in building the world's largest archaeological museum dedicated to a single civilization.

Another example is Benin, which since 2016 has been one of Africa's most successful models of an ambitious cultural policy promoting memory and economic development. The country has embarked on a major diplomatic effort to obtain the restitution of royal treasures from France, promote its spiritual heritage ("Vodun Days"), and make significant investments in tourism and museum infrastructure, with the aim of making Benin a leading destination for memorial and business tourism in Africa [15].

These examples should inspire others across the continent, particularly when it comes to returning royal treasures, cultural and religious property and objects, and works of art looted from the continent since colonization. Beyond diplomatic efforts and bilateral agreements, foundations and private owners also have a role to play at a time when much of this heritage will be passed on in the coming decades to a new generation that is potentially more attentive to the ethical dimension surrounding the looting of these assets.

The organization of an international conference on the restitution of heritage, a sort of "Bandung of culture" initiated by a coalition of committed African countries, could put this issue back at the heart of international concerns, promote ambitious African diplomacy on this issue, and encourage the creation of initiatives facilitating the return of African heritage to its people. It is also essential to reflect on the preservation of heritage, particularly languages and skills that are endangered, using new digital tools (e-libraries), as well as on the promotion of African intellectual property as genuine economic assets, as recommended in the NEPAD and AfricaInvestor report on cultural sovereignty [16].

5. Conflicts: Accelerate the effective implementation of ceasefires and peace protocols on the continent

Despite significant progress over the past decade, particularly following the Arab Spring and the Ivorian crisis, the African continent remains the scene of numerous conflicts and areas of tension, plagued by terrorist attacks that kill thousands of people, force millions to flee their homes, and undermine the stability of many countries.

The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is not improving despite numerous statements by the government. Numerous non-state armed groups are fighting each other in the Kivu regions (North and South) and in Ituri province for territorial control of mineral resources in the east of the country, causing thousands of deaths and millions of displaced persons each year [17]. Among these groups, the M23, supported by Rwanda, is considered the number one threat to Kinshasa [18]. Tensions with Kigali have rarely been so high since the civil war of the 1990s. The peace agreements signed in Washington on December 4, 2025, by Presidents Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame give an important place to mining for the benefit of the United States, but fail to put an end to the killings in the DRC [19] or the advance of the M23, which, with the capture of the town of Uvira in December 2025, controls its largest territory since the armed group was created (before withdrawing from the town under American pressure) [20].

In Sudan, the country did not have time to savor the fall of Omar al-Bashir's regime in April 2019 and sank into civil war. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are fighting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in a bloody conflict for territorial hegemony, supported by numerous foreign powers eager to advance their geopolitical agenda in the sub-region and secure access to the country's gold resources [21]. Egypt, Turkey, Russia, Iran, and Qatar support the SAF, while the United Arab Emirates, Chad, and General Haftar's faction in Libya support the RSF [21]. This extensive logistical and military support exacerbates the violence of the conflict and prolongs it to the detriment of the population, which is facing one of the most serious humanitarian crises in the world [22]. The conflict is believed to have caused between 50,000 and 150,000 deaths and displaced 13 million people since the war began in 2023 [23]. The country is so deeply fractured that finding a way out of the conflict seems complex. The Quadrilateral Negotiation Group (QUAD), composed of the United States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates, has been mediating since June 2025, without success so far.

Another country under strain, Libya is unable to find its way back to national unity despite a UN roadmap and mediation efforts by the African Union. The country is divided between three main forces: the Government of National Unity, led since 2021 by Abdelhamid Dbeibah; supporters of General Haftar; and the Tuareg populations, against a backdrop of foreign interference and the threat of jihadists (Islamic State and AQIM), particularly over control of Libya's hydrocarbons [24]. Hopes for peace and national unity remain slim, and at this stage, no political process seems capable of rallying all parties.

Elsewhere on the continent, the Sahelian countries (Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger) face numerous security challenges that have profoundly shaped the political order in recent years. Military coups (2021 in Mali, 2022 in Burkina Faso, and 2023 in Niger) were a response to the inability of civilian governments to contain the terrorist threat, without putting an end to the activities and abuses of armed groups linked to Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State, or JNIM (Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin) [25]. These groups take advantage of porous borders and improved equipment (weapons, pickup trucks, drones) to regularly cross the borders of Togo and Benin, contributing to the destabilization of these countries [26]. Other countries severely affected by the terrorist threat, Nigeria and Cameroon are also struggling to curb the activities of the Boko Haram group, due to a lack of sufficient resources, concerted political responses between the two countries (despite the creation of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in partnership with Chad) and an economic and social response adapted to the isolation of the populations of the North [27].

We hope that 2026 will mark the effective implementation of ceasefires in conflict zones across the continent and tangible progress in peace processes, without which civilian populations cannot benefit from an adequate humanitarian response. Furthermore, chronic instability in certain countries weakens the potential for economic development capable of addressing the structural challenges they face. Beyond ceasefires, it is essential that peace processes be led by African countries themselves, in partnership with regional and continental institutions (Luanda Process, African Union High-Level Committee on Libya, etc.). The growing role of the United States and the Gulf countries, particularly in the Congolese and Sudanese cases, tends to weaken African diplomacy and the capacity for action of African institutions.

Sources & Resources

Leave a comment

More about 2063Now

Subscribe to continue reading and have access to the entire archive.

Continue reading